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 xsi:schemaLocation="urn:ISO:std:iso:17469:tech:xsd:PerformancePlanOrReport http://stratml.us/references/PerformancePlanOrReport20160216.xsd" Type="Strategic_Plan"><Name>National Security Strategy</Name><Description>This National Security Strategy lays out our plan to achieve a better future of a free, open,
secure, and prosperous world. Our strategy is rooted in our national interests: to protect the
security of the American people; to expand economic prosperity and opportunity; and to realize
and defend the democratic values at the heart of the American way of life. We can do none of
this alone and we do not have to. Most nations around the world define their interests in ways
that are compatible with ours. We will build the strongest and broadest possible coalition of
nations that seek to cooperate with each other, while competing with those powers that offer a
darker vision and thwarting their efforts to threaten our interests. </Description><OtherInformation>Overview of Our Strategic Approach ~ Our goal is clear—we want a free, open, prosperous, and secure international order. We seek an order that is free in that it allows people to enjoy their basic, universal rights and freedoms. It is open in that it provides all nations that sign up to these principles an opportunity to participate in, and have a role in shaping, the rules. It is prosperous in that it empowers all nations to continually raise the standard of living for their citizens. And secure, in that it is free from aggression, coercion and intimidation.
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Achieving this goal requires three lines of effort. We will: 1) invest in the underlying sources and tools of American power and influence; 2) build the strongest possible coalition of nations to enhance our collective influence to shape the global strategic environment and to solve shared challenges; and 3) modernize and strengthen our military so it is equipped for the era of strategic competition with major powers, while maintaining the capability to disrupt the terrorist threat to the homeland.</OtherInformation><StrategicPlanCore><Organization><Name>The White House</Name><Acronym>TWH</Acronym><Identifier>_98c5d2b2-dcbe-11e8-a420-2a28c3cc2f93</Identifier><Description/><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Person"><Name>Joseph R. Biden</Name><Description>President of the United States (POTUS)</Description></Stakeholder></Organization><Vision><Description>A free, open, prosperous, and secure international order</Description><Identifier>_0944334e-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier></Vision><Mission><Description>To achieve a better future for a free, open, secure, and prosperous world</Description><Identifier>_0944357e-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier></Mission><Value><Name>Freedom</Name><Description>We are confident that the United States, alongside our allies and partners, is positioned to succeed in our pursuit of a free, open, prosperous, and secure global order.</Description></Value><Value><Name>Openness</Name><Description/></Value><Value><Name>Security</Name><Description/></Value><Value><Name>Prosperity</Name><Description/></Value><Value><Name>Democracy</Name><Description>We will strengthen democracy across the world, and multilateral institutions, as we look to the future to chart new and fair rules of the road for emerging technology, cybersecurity, and trade and economics.</Description></Value><Value><Name>Partnership</Name><Description>And we will do all this and more by leveraging our considerable advantages and our unparalleled coalition of allies and partners.</Description></Value><Value><Name>Nonpartisanship</Name><Description>The health of our national security institutions and workforce relies on faith in the apolitical nature of Federal law enforcement agencies, the IC, our diplomats, civil servants, Federally funded research and development institutions, and military as we work together in national service.</Description></Value><Goal><Name>Strength</Name><Description>Invest in our strength</Description><Identifier>_094437b8-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>INVESTING IN OUR STRENGTH</OtherInformation><Objective><Name>Sources &amp; Tools</Name><Description>Invest in the underlying sources and tools of American power and influence</Description><Identifier>_09443ace-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>National Power</Name><Description>Invest in national power to maintain a competitive edge</Description><Identifier>_09443d80-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Investing in Our National Power to Maintain a Competitive Edge ~ To outcompete our rivals and tackle shared challenges, America will need to maintain and refine its competitive edge by making critical domestic investments. In an interconnected world, there is no bright line between foreign and domestic policy. The future of America’s success in the world depends upon our strength and resilience at home—and especially the strength of our
middle class, which is critical to our national security as an engine of economic growth and a key source of democratic vibrance and cohesion. The reverse is also true. Our success at home requires robust and strategic engagement in the world in line with our interests and values to make life better, safer, and fairer for the American people. That is why we must make far-reaching investments in the sources of our natural strength while building our resilience. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Industry &amp; Innovation</Name><Description>Implement an industrial and innovation strategy</Description><Identifier>_09443eca-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.1.1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Implementing a Modern Industrial and Innovation Strategy ~ The private sector and open markets have been, and continue to be, a vital source of our national
strength and a key driver of innovation. However, markets alone cannot respond to the rapid pace of technological change, global supply disruptions, nonmarket abuses by the PRC and other actors, or the deepening climate crisis. Strategic public investment is the backbone of a strong industrial and innovation base in the 21st century global economy.
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That is why the United States is pursuing a modern industrial and innovation strategy. We are
identifying and investing in key areas where private industry, on its own, has not mobilized to
protect our core economic and national security interests, including bolstering our national resilience. We are securing our critical infrastructure, advancing foundational cybersecurity for critical sectors from pipelines to water, and working with the private sector to improve security defenses in technology products. We are securing our supply chains, including through new forms of public-private collaboration, and using public procurement in critical markets to
stimulate demand for innovation. In 2021, we boosted our competitiveness by enacting the largest investment in physical infrastructure in nearly a century, including historic investments in transportation, broadband, clean water, and energy infrastructure that will increase economic growth for decades to come. We recognize the importance of the semiconductor supply chain to our competitiveness and our national security, and we are seeking to reinvigorate the semiconductor industry in the United States. The CHIPS and Science Act authorizes $280 billion for civilian investment in research and development, especially in critical sectors such as semiconductors and advanced computing, next-generation communications, clean energy technologies, and biotechnologies. Through the National Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing
Initiative, we are investing more than $2 billion to harness the full potential of biotechnology and biomanufacturing, create jobs at home, strengthen supply chains, and reduce carbon emissions.
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In 2022, we enacted the Inflation Reduction Act which will invest in domestic energy production and manufacturing, and reduce carbon emissions by roughly 40 percent by 2030. Combatting the climate crisis, bolstering our energy security, and hastening the clean energy transition is integral to our industrial strategy, economic growth, and security. We are incubating and deploying new
technologies and solutions, allowing us to lead the world while creating new markets and scalable approaches. Together, these investments will keep the United States at the leading edge, increase economic capacity, and support millions of jobs and trillions of dollars in economic activity over the next decade. Across these efforts, we are mobilizing the talent, grit, and innovation of American workers, who can out-compete anyone. We are also prioritizing equity and investing in regional economic development to ensure the future is made across all of America, by all Americans.
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As we do this work, we are also protecting our investments and bolstering their resilience through tracking, attributing, and defending against the activities of malicious actors in cyberspace. And we are countering intellectual property theft, forced technology transfer, and other attempts to degrade our technological advantages by enhancing investment screening, export controls, and counterintelligence resources. Just as we seek to pool technical expertise and complementary industrial capacity with our allies and partners, we are also enhancing our collective capacity to withstand attempts to degrade our shared technology advantages, including through investment screening and export controls, and the development of new regimes where gaps persist. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>People</Name><Description>Invest in our people</Description><Identifier>_094442d0-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.1.1.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Investing In Our People ~ We are focused on strengthening the economy by building from the bottom up and the middle out. To that end, we know the most impactful public investments are the ones we make in our people. We seek to increase equitable access to affordable health care and child care; career-long training and skill building; and high-quality education and training, including science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), especially for women and girls. These investments will boost our economic capacity by ensuring our workforce is better educated, healthier, and more productive. This stronger workforce will also build enduring advantages that bolster our strength and resilience. We are also supporting workers by promoting union organizing and collective bargaining, and improving workers’ job quality.
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As we create the conditions for our people to thrive, we will also continue to make America the destination of choice for talent around the world. Since the founding of our Nation, America has been strengthened and renewed by immigrants seeking opportunity and refuge on our shores—a unique strategic advantage. We will continue working with Congress and taking executive action
to ensure our immigration and refugee systems are fair, orderly, humane, easier to navigate, and consistent with our values and the law. And we will take further measures to ensure the United States remains the world’s top destination for talent. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Democracy</Name><Description>Strengthen our democracy</Description><Identifier>_094444ce-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.1.1.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Strengthening Our Democracy ~ Our democracy is at the core of who we are, and America’s democratic experiment has long been a source of inspiration for people around the world. Our system of government enshrines the rule of law and strives to protect the equality and dignity of all individuals. Deliberation and informed debate propel us to correct our mistakes, better meet public needs, and expand the circle of opportunity. We have not always lived up to our ideals and in recent years our democracy has been challenged from within. But we have never walked away from our ideals and in each challenging moment, citizens have stepped forward to uphold them. In times of crisis or lapses in judgment, we look to more democracy—not less—to forge the path forward. Our
democracy is a work in progress—and by reckoning with and remedying our own shortcomings, we can inspire others around the world to do the same.
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As Americans, we must all agree that the people’s verdict, as expressed in elections, must be respected and protected. We also believe that critical reforms continue to be needed to strengthen our system of governance. This is why we have taken executive action and urged essential legislation to protect and promote voting rights and expand democratic participation, and why we
are building on the work of generations of activists to advance equity and root out systemic disparities in our laws, policies, and institutions. Indeed, pluralism, inclusion, and diversity are a source of national strength in a rapidly changing world. We are reaffirming the rights to free speech, a free press, peaceful assembly, and other core civil liberties. And at the same time, we are standing up to threats to our democracy such as domestic terrorism by implementing our
nation’s first-ever National Strategy for Countering Domestic Terrorism and tackling head-on global forces like weaponized corruption, information manipulation operations, political interference, and attacks on the rule of law, including in elections. America will not tolerate foreign interference in our elections. We will act decisively to defend, and deter disruptions to our democratic processes, and we will respond to future interference using all appropriate tools of national power. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Coalitions</Name><Description>Build the strongest possible coalition of nations to enhance our collective influence to shape the global strategic environment and to solve shared challenges</Description><Identifier>_09444b7c-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Diplomacy</Name><Description>Use diplomacy to build coalitions</Description><Identifier>_09444ed8-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.2.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Using Diplomacy to Build the Strongest Possible Coalitions ~ The United States’ unrivaled network of allies and partners protects and advances our interests
around the world—and is the envy of our adversaries. Building on this network, we will assemble the strongest possible coalitions to advance and defend a world that is free, open, prosperous, and secure. These coalitions will include all nations that share these objectives. At the heart of this coalition, to ensure it is as transformative as possible, are democratic nations who share our interests and values. To make our coalitions as inclusive as possible, we will also
work with any country that supports a rules-based order while we continue to press all partners to respect and advance democracy and human rights.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Cooperation</Name><Description>Produce dramatically greater levels of cooperation</Description><Identifier>_094451c6-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.2.1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Transformative Cooperation ~To solve the toughest problems the world faces, we need to produce dramatically greater levels of cooperation. The key to doing this is to recognize that the core of our inclusive coalition are those partners who most closely share our interests. America’s treaty alliances with other democratic countries are foundational to our strategy and central to almost everything we do to make the world more peaceful and prosperous. Our NATO and bilateral treaty allies should never doubt our will and capacity to stand with them against aggression and intimidation. As we modernize our military and work to strengthen our democracy at home, we will call on our allies to do the same, including by investing in the type of capabilities and undertaking the planning necessary to bolster deterrence in an increasingly confrontational world.
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America’s alliances and partnerships have played a critical role in our national security policy for eight decades, and must be deepened and modernized to do so into the future. NATO has responded with unity and strength to deter further Russian aggression in Europe, even as NATO also adopted a broad new agenda at the 2022 Madrid Summit to address systemic challenges from the PRC and other security risks from cyber to climate, as well as agreeing to Finland and Sweden’s application to join the alliance. The newly established U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council is coordinating approaches to setting the rules of the road on global technology, economic, and trade issues based on shared democratic values. Our AUKUS security partnership with Australia and the United Kingdom promotes stability in the Indo-Pacific while deepening
defense and technology integration. We continue to deepen cooperation with the Five Eyes (with Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom). The revitalized Quad, which brings the United States together with Japan, India, and Australia, addresses regional challenges and has demonstrated its ability to deliver for the Indo-Pacific, combating COVID-19 and climate change, to deepening cybersecurity partnerships and promoting high standards for infrastructure and health security. Our intelligence relationships with our allies are a strategic asset that will increasingly factor in to our competition with our rivals, especially in technological competition.
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We will continue to prioritize seeking out new ways to integrate our alliances in the Indo-Pacific and Europe and develop new and deeper means of cooperation. We have revitalized the G7 as the steering committee of the world’s advanced industrial democracies and believe it has a
critical role to play in supporting our shared vision for the international order. The G7 is at its strongest when it also formally engages other countries with aligned goals, such as at the 2022 summit where Argentina, India, Indonesia, Senegal, South Africa, and Ukraine also participated.
U.S. interests are best served when our European allies and partners play an active role in the Indo-Pacific, including in supporting freedom of navigation and maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. Similarly, we want our Indo-Pacific allies to be engaged cooperatively with our European allies on shaping the order to which we all aspire, and by standing up to Russia and cooperating with the European Union and United Kingdom on our competition with the PRC. This is not a favor to the United States. Our allies recognize that a collapse of the international order in one region will ultimately endanger it in others.
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These democratic allies and partners are also essential to supporting democracy and human rights around the world. Actions to bolster democracy and defend human rights are critical to the United States not only because doing so is consistent with our values, but also because respect for democracy and support for human rights promotes global peace, security, and prosperity.
Global threats to accountable and transparent governance also threaten our own democratic system. We will continually update our range of tools to advance democracy and counter authoritarianism. The Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal qualitatively increases our ability to combat defining challenges of the 2020s, like grand corruption, digital repression, and
attacks on elections and independent media. By the same token, we are responding to the everevolving ways in which authoritarians seek to subvert the global order, notably by weaponizing information to undermine democracies and polarize societies. We are doing so by working with governments, civil society, independent media, and the private sector to prevent credible information from being crowded out, exposing disinformation campaigns, and strengthening the
integrity of the media environment - a bedrock of thriving democracies. Together with our allies and partners, we are also holding states accountable for violations and abuses of human rights, including against ethnic and religious minorities, treating the fight against corruption as the core national security interest it is, countering transnational repression, and standing with people
around the world on the front lines of the fight for dignity, equality and justice. We reaffirm our commitment to work with the international community to achieve sustainable, long-term solutions to what is the most severe refugee crisis since World War Two—including through resettlement. We raised our annual refugee admissions cap to 125,000 and are rebuilding and improving the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program to enable us to achieve that goal.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Inclusion</Name><Description>Construct and preserve coalitions that engage all countries who want a stable and open rules-based order and leverage their collective strengths</Description><Identifier>_0944531a-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.2.1.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>An Inclusive World ~ The vast majority of countries want a stable and open rules-based order that respects their
sovereignty and territorial integrity, provides a fair means of economic exchange with others and
promotes shared prosperity, and enables cooperation on shared challenges. They strongly
disapprove of aggression, coercion, and external interference. They have no interest in
overturning longstanding rules and norms to make the world safe for aggression and repression.
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We will help construct and preserve coalitions that engage all of these countries and leverage
their collective strengths. We recognize that some may harbor reservations about American
power and our foreign policy. Others may not be democratic but nevertheless depend upon a
rules-based international system. Yet what we share in common, and the prospect of a freer and
more open world, makes such a broad coalition necessary and worthwhile. We will listen to and
consider ideas that our partners suggest about how to do this.
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Building this inclusive coalition requires reinforcing the multilateral system to uphold the
founding principles of the United Nations, including respect for international law. 141 countries
expressed support at the United Nations General Assembly for a resolution condemning Russia’s
unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. We continue to demonstrate this approach by engaging
all regions across all issues, not in terms of what we are against but what we are for. This year,
we partnered with ASEAN to advance clean energy infrastructure and maritime security in the
region. We kickstarted the Prosper Africa Build Together Campaign to fuel economic growth
across the continent and bolster trade and investment in the clean energy, health, and digital
technology sectors. We are working to develop a partnership with countries on the Atlantic
Ocean to establish and carry out a shared approach to advancing our joint development,
economic, environmental, scientific, and maritime governance goals. We galvanized regional
action to address the core challenges facing the Western Hemisphere by spearheading the
Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity to drive economic recovery and by mobilizing the
region behind a bold and unprecedented approach to migration through the Los Angeles
Declaration on Migration and Protection. In the Middle East, we have worked to enhance
deterrence toward Iran, de-escalate regional conflicts, deepen integration among a diverse set of
partners in the region, and bolster energy stability.
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A prime example of an inclusive coalition is IPEF, which we launched alongside a dozen
regional partners that represent 40 percent of the world’s GDP. This framework’s four pillars—
trade and the digital economy, supply chains and resilience, clean energy and decarbonization, and tax and anticorruption—will allow this partnership to determine the rules of the road for an
economically vital region, and therefore the global economy.
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The United States, alongside our G7 partners, launched PGII to meet the enormous infrastructure
need in low- and middle-income countries. PGII is catalyzing public and private finance to
advance climate and energy security, health and health security, digital connectivity, and gender
equality—all while creating opportunities for American businesses. We secured over $3 billion
in commitments from the Gulf Cooperation Council for projects that align with PGII goals. We
have taken a similar approach in a number of other development initiatives, also built around
multi-stakeholder coalitions that can mobilize a wide array of resources to show in various ways
that “democracy delivers,” including the longstanding President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief (PEPFAR), and the Global Fund. We are rallying the world to take bold action and raise
our collective ambition to reach the Global Fund’s $18 billion target to fight HIV/AIDS,
tuberculosis, and malaria over the next three years, and requested $2 billion in our FY 2023
budget to anchor a $6 billion three-year pledge from the United States. This investment will
strengthen health systems, accelerate progress to achieve universal health coverage, and expand
the global health workforce.
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The United States will work pragmatically with any partner willing to join us in constructive
problem-solving, reinforcing and building new ties based on shared interests. This includes not
just nation states, but also civil society groups, private companies, philanthropies, and subnational governments at home and around the world. Through proven initiatives like Gavi, the
Vaccine Alliance; new platforms that meet the moment, such as COVAX, and new historic
efforts to improve global health security financing, including the Financial Intermediary Fund for
Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response, we will forge fit-for-purpose coalitions and
public-private alliances to take on the world’s toughest challenges. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Prosperity</Name><Description>Build new ways to work with allies and partners on development and the expansion of human dignity</Description><Identifier>_094457e8-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.2.1.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Allies</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Partners</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>A Prosperous World ~ We also will build new ways to work with allies and partners on development and the expansion
of human dignity because we recognize they are integral to the security and prosperity of all
Americans. Infectious diseases, terrorism, violent extremism, irregular migration, and other
threats often emerge or accelerate due to deeper development challenges, and once they do, they
do not recognize national borders. Transnational threats, in turn, undermine development, fuel
poverty and human suffering, and feed a vicious circle.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has eroded development gains and illuminated persistent inequities.
Protracted conflicts, growing fragility, a resurgence of authoritarianism, and ever-more frequent
climate shocks threaten people’s lives and livelihoods and global stability. Russia’s war against
Ukraine has only aggravated these threats, contributing to a surge in food and energy prices,
exacerbating poverty and eroding food security worldwide.
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We will work to confront these shared challenges and recommit to advancing the Sustainable
Development Goals by pursuing more inclusive development partnerships, especially by putting
local partners in the driver’s seat, and by deploying a more expansive set of tools, including
catalytic financing and integrated humanitarian, development, and peacebuilding actions. We are
already applying this approach to helping vulnerable nations build resilience to the devastating
impacts of the climate crisis through the President’s Emergency Plan for Adaptation and Resilience (PREPARE) and in support of democratic renewal through the Partnerships for
Democratic Development (PDD). We are also implementing this development approach to
advance global health security and systems and to take principled humanitarian action while
addressing the root causes of fragility, conflict, and crisis, including through the Global Fragility
Act. We will use our humanitarian, development, and peacebuilding tools more cohesively. And
we will invest in women and girls, be responsive to the voices and focus on the needs of the most
marginalized, including the LGBTQI+ community; and advance inclusive development
broadly.
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Across our development work, we will continue to employ best practices that distinguish the
United States and our partners from our competitors: transparency and accountability; high
environmental, social, labor, and inclusion standards; respect for human rights; and local
partnerships supported by foreign assistance and sound, sustainable financing. The international
financial institutions, including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, are also a
force multiplier for our values and interests. Stronger, more stable growth abroad means a
stronger economy here at home. As other economies prosper, demand for U.S. exports of goods
and services increases, creating U.S. jobs. We will work to enhance the responsiveness of these
institutions to U.S. priorities, including how to better support developing countries as they
weather the pandemic and now the spillovers of the Russian war on Ukraine.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Military</Name><Description>Modernize and strengthen our military so it is equipped for the era of strategic
competition with major powers, while maintaining the capability to disrupt the terrorist threat to the homeland</Description><Identifier>_09445c70-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Modernizing and Strengthening Our Military ~ The American military is the strongest fighting force the world has ever known. America will not
hesitate to use force when necessary to defend our national interests. But we will do so as the last
resort and only when the objectives and mission are clear and achievable, consistent with our
values and laws, alongside non-military tools, and the mission is undertaken with the informed
consent of the American people.
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Our approach to national defense is described in detail in the 2022 National Defense Strategy.
Our starting premise is that a powerful U.S. military helps advance and safeguard vital U.S.
national interests by backstopping diplomacy, confronting aggression, deterring conflict,
projecting strength, and protecting the American people and their economic interests. Amid
intensifying competition, the military’s role is to maintain and gain warfighting advantages while
limiting those of our competitors. The military will act urgently to sustain and strengthen
deterrence, with the PRC as its pacing challenge. We will make disciplined choices regarding our
national defense and focus our attention on the military’s primary responsibilities: to defend the
homeland, and deter attacks and aggression against the United States, our allies and partners,
while being prepared to fight and win the Nation’s wars should diplomacy and deterrence fail.
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To do so, we will combine our strengths to achieve maximum effect in deterring acts of
aggression—an approach we refer to as integrated deterrence (see text box on page 22). We will
operate our military using a campaigning mindset—sequencing logically linked military
activities to advance strategy-aligned priorities. And, we will build a resilient force and defense
ecosystem to ensure we can perform these functions for decades to come. We ended America’s
longest war in Afghanistan, and with it an era of major military operations to remake other
societies, even as we have maintained the capacity to address terrorist threats to the American
people as they emerge.
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A combat-credible military is the foundation of deterrence and America’s ability to prevail in
conflict. We will modernize the joint force to be lethal, resilient, sustainable, survivable, agile,
and responsive, prioritizing operational concepts and updated warfighting capabilities. The war
in Ukraine highlights the criticality of a vibrant Defense Industrial Base for the United States and
its allies and partners. It must not only be capable of rapidly manufacturing proven capabilities
needed to defend against adversary aggression, but also empowered to innovate and creatively
design solutions as battlefield conditions evolve. As emerging technologies transform warfare
and pose novel threats to the United States and our allies and partners, we are investing in a
range of advanced technologies including applications in the cyber and space domains, missile
defeat capabilities, trusted artificial intelligence, and quantum systems, while deploying new
capabilities to the battlefield in a timely manner. Incorporating allies and partners at every stage
of defense planning is crucial to meaningful collaboration. We also seek to remove barriers to
deeper collaboration with allies and partners, to include issues related to joint capability
development and production to safeguard our shared military-technological edge.
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Nuclear deterrence remains a top priority for the Nation and foundational to integrated
deterrence. A safe, secure, and effective nuclear force undergirds our defense priorities by
deterring strategic attacks, assuring allies and partners, and allowing us to achieve our objectives
if deterrence fails. Our competitors and potential adversaries are investing heavily in new nuclear
weapons. By the 2030s, the United States for the first time will need to deter two major nuclear
powers, each of whom will field modern and diverse global and regional nuclear forces. To
ensure our nuclear deterrent remains responsive to the threats we face, we are modernizing the
nuclear Triad, nuclear command, control, and communications, and our nuclear weapons
infrastructure, as well as strengthening our extended deterrence commitments to our Allies. We
remain equally committed to reducing the risks of nuclear war. This includes taking further steps
to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our strategy and pursuing realistic goals for mutual,
verifiable arms control, which contribute to our deterrence strategy and strengthen the global
non-proliferation regime.
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The most important investments are those made in the extraordinary All-Volunteer Force of the
Army, Marine Corps, Navy, Air Force, Space Force, Coast Guard—together with our
Department of Defense civilian workforce. Our service members are the backbone of America’s
national defense and we are committed to their wellbeing and their families while in service and
beyond. We will maintain our foundational principle of civilian control of the military,
recognizing that healthy civil-military relations rooted in mutual respect are essential to military
effectiveness. We will strengthen the effectiveness of the force by promoting diversity and
inclusion; intensifying our suicide prevention efforts; eliminating the scourges of sexual assault,
harassment, and other forms of violence, abuse, and discrimination; and rooting out violent
extremism. We will also uphold our Nation’s sacred obligation to care for veterans and their
families when our troops return home.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Deterrence</Name><Description>Sustain and strengthen integrated deterrence</Description><Identifier>_09445e0a-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Integrated Deterrence ~ The United States has a vital interest in deterring aggression by the PRC, Russia, and other
states. More capable competitors and new strategies of threatening behavior below and above the
traditional threshold of conflict mean we cannot afford to rely solely on conventional forces and
nuclear deterrence. Our defense strategy must sustain and strengthen deterrence, with the PRC as
our pacing challenge.
Our National Defense Strategy relies on integrated deterrence: the seamless combination of
capabilities to convince potential adversaries that the costs of their hostile activities outweigh
their benefits. It entails:</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Domains</Name><Description>Integrate across domains</Description><Identifier>_094461b6-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3.1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Integration across domains, recognizing that our competitors’ strategies operate across
military (land, air, maritime, cyber, and space) and non-military (economic,
technological, and information) domains—and we must too.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Regions</Name><Description>Integrate across regions</Description><Identifier>_09446468-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3.1.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Integration across regions, understanding that our competitors combine expansive
ambitions with growing capabilities to threaten U.S. interests in key regions and in the
homeland.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Spectrum of Conflict</Name><Description>Integrate across the spectrum of conflict</Description><Identifier>_094466b6-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3.1.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Integration across the spectrum of conflict to prevent competitors from altering the
status quo in ways that harm our vital interests while hovering below the threshold of
armed conflict.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>U.S. Government</Name><Description>Integrate across the U.S. Government</Description><Identifier>_09446ac6-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3.1.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>U.S. Government</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Integration across the U.S. Government to leverage the full array of American
advantages, from diplomacy, intelligence, and economic tools to security assistance and
force posture decisions.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Allies &amp; Partners</Name><Description>Integrate with allies and partners</Description><Identifier>_09446d3c-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>1.3.1.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Integration with allies and partners through investments in interoperability and joint capability development, cooperative posture planning, and coordinated diplomatic and economic approaches.
^^
Integrated deterrence requires us to more effectively coordinate, network, and innovate so that
any competitor thinking about pressing for advantage in one domain understands that we can
respond in many others as well. This augments the traditional backstop of combat-credible
conventional and strategic capabilities, allowing us to better shape adversary perceptions of risks
and costs of action against core U.S. interests, at any time and across any domain. </OtherInformation></Objective></Goal><Goal><Name>Priorities</Name><Description>Outcompete our strategic competitors, galvanize collective action on global challenges, and shape the rules of the road for technology, cybersecurity, and trade and economics</Description><Identifier>_0944705c-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>The steps outlined in the previous section—building our strength at home to maintain a
competitive edge; using our diplomatic power to build the strongest possible coalition to support
a world that is open, free, prosperous, and secure; and modernizing and strengthening our
military will position the United States to strengthen an international order that has delivered
broad benefits for the American people for decades and to outcompete our rivals who offer a
different vision. The breadth and complexity of our global interests mean that we need to use that
power strategically. Three interlinked lines of effort are of paramount importance—dealing with
the challenges to the international order posed by our strategic competitors, addressing shared
global challenges, and shaping the rules of the road for technology, cybersecurity, and trade and
economics. 
^^


We will use these capabilities to outcompete our strategic competitors, galvanize collective
action on global challenges, and shape the rules of the road for technology, cybersecurity, and
trade and economics... Our approach encompasses all elements of
national power—diplomacy, development cooperation, industrial strategy, economic statecraft,
intelligence, and defense—and is built on several key pillars. </OtherInformation><Objective><Name>Policy</Name><Description>Break down the dividing line between foreign policy and domestic policy</Description><Identifier>_09447700-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Pillar 2.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>First, we have broken down the dividing line between foreign policy and domestic policy. We
understand that if the United States is to succeed abroad, we must invest in our innovation and
industrial strength, and build our resilience, at home. Likewise, to advance shared prosperity
domestically and to uphold the rights of all Americans, we must proactively shape the
international order in line with our interests and values. In a competitive world, where other
powers engage in coercive or unfair practices to gain an edge over the United States and our
allies, this takes on a special importance. We must complement the innovative power of the
private sector with a modern industrial strategy that makes strategic public investments in
America’s workforce, and in strategic sectors and supply chains, especially critical and emerging
technologies, such as microelectronics, advanced computing, biotechnologies, clean energy
technologies, and advanced telecommunications. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Technology, Trade &amp; Security</Name><Description>Grow the connective tissue -- on technology, trade and security -- between our democratic allies and partners</Description><Identifier>_09447a20-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Pillar 2.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>NATO</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Indo-Pacific Alliances</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Security Partners</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Europe</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Second, our alliances and partnerships around the world are our most important strategic asset
and an indispensable element contributing to international peace and stability. A strong and
unified NATO, our alliances in the Indo-Pacific, and our traditional security partnerships
elsewhere do not only deter aggression; they provide a platform for mutually beneficial
cooperation that strengthens the international order. We place a premium on growing the
connective tissue—on technology, trade and security—between our democratic allies and
partners in the Indo-Pacific and Europe because we recognize that they are mutually reinforcing
and the fates of the two regions are intertwined. The United States is a global power with global
interests. We are stronger in each region because of our affirmative engagement in the others. If
one region descends into chaos or is dominated by a hostile power, it will detrimentally impact
our interests in the others. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Challenges</Name><Description>Address geopolitical challenges</Description><Identifier>_09447bf6-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Pillar 2.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Third, this strategy recognizes that the PRC presents America’s most consequential geopolitical
challenge. Although the Indo-Pacific is where its outcomes will be most acutely shaped, there are
significant global dimensions to this challenge. Russia poses an immediate and ongoing threat to
the regional security order in Europe and it is a source of disruption and instability globally but it
lacks the across the spectrum capabilities of the PRC. We also recognize that other smaller
autocratic powers are also acting in aggressive and destabilizing ways. Most notably, Iran
interferes in the internal affairs of neighbors, proliferates missiles and drones through proxies, is
plotting to harm Americans, including former officials, and is advancing a nuclear program beyond any credible civilian need. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)
continues to expand its illicit nuclear weapons and missile programs. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Engagement</Name><Description>Engage countries on their own terms</Description><Identifier>_09447fe8-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Pillar 2.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Fourth, we will avoid the temptation to see the world solely through the prism of strategic
competition and will continue to engage countries on their own terms. We will pursue an
affirmative agenda to advance peace and security and to promote prosperity in every region. A
more integrated Middle East that empowers our allies and partners will advance regional peace
and prosperity, while reducing the resource demands the region makes on the United States over
the long term. In Africa, the dynamism, innovation, and demographic growth of the region
render it central to addressing complex global problems. The Western Hemisphere directly
impacts the United States more than any other region so we will continue to revive and deepen
our partnerships there to advance economic resilience, democratic stability, and citizen security. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Globalization</Name><Description>Cope with global changes</Description><Identifier>_09448268-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Pillar 2.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Fifth, we recognize that globalization has delivered immense benefits for the United States and
the world but an adjustment is now required to cope with dramatic global changes such as
widening inequality within and among countries, the PRC’s emergence as both our most
consequential competitor and one of our largest trading partners, and emerging technologies that
fall outside the bounds of existing rules and regulations. We have an affirmative agenda for the
global economy to seize the full range of economic benefits of the 21st century while advancing
the interests of American workers. Recognizing we have to move beyond traditional Free Trade
Agreements, we are charting new economic arrangements to deepen economic engagement with
our partners, like the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF); a global
minimum tax that ensures corporations pay their fair share of tax wherever they are based in the
world; the Partnership for Global Investment and Infrastructure (PGII) to help low- and middle-income countries secure high-standard investment for critical infrastructure; updated rules of the
road for technology, cyberspace, trade, and economics; and ensuring the transition to clean
energy unlocks economic opportunities and good jobs around the world. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>International Order</Name><Description>Build upon the community of nations who share our vision for the future of international order</Description><Identifier>_09448588-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Pillar 2.6</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Finally, the community of nations that shares our vision for the future of international order is
broad and includes countries on every continent. We share in common a desire for relations
among nations to be governed by the UN Charter; for the universal rights of all individuals—political, civil, economic, social and cultural—to be upheld; for our environment, air, oceans,
space, cyberspace and arteries of international commerce to be protected and accessible for all;
and for international institutions, including the United Nations, to be modernized and
strengthened to better address global challenges and deliver more tangible benefits for our
citizens. The order we seek builds on what came before, but addresses serious shortcomings, new
realities, and the attempts by some states to advance a much less free and open model. To
preserve and increase international cooperation in an age of competition, we will pursue a dualtrack approach. On one track, we will cooperate with any country, including our geopolitical
rivals, that is willing to work constructively with us to address shared challenges. We will also
fully engage with, and work to strengthen, international institutions. On the other track, we will
deepen our cooperation with democracies and other like-minded states. From the Indo-Pacific
Quad (Australia, India, Japan, United States) to the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council,
from AUKUS (Australia, United Kingdom, United States) to I2-U2 (India, Israel, UAE,
United States), we are creating a latticework of strong, resilient, and mutually reinforcing
relationships that prove democracies can deliver for their people and the world.
^^
The world is now at an inflection point. This decade will be decisive, in setting the terms of our
competition with the PRC, managing the acute threat posed by Russia, and in our efforts to deal with shared challenges, particularly climate change, pandemics, and economic turbulence. If we
do not act with urgency and creativity, our window of opportunity to shape the future of
international order and tackle shared challenges will close. Those actions must begin with
developing the means to execute our strategy, by making renewed investments at home and
abroad.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Competition &amp; Constraint</Name><Description>Out-compete China and constrain Russia </Description><Identifier>_09448bbe-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>China</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Russia</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Out-Competing China and Constraining Russia ~ The PRC and Russia are increasingly aligned with each other but the challenges they pose are, in
important ways, distinct. We will prioritize maintaining an enduring competitive edge over the
PRC while constraining a still profoundly dangerous Russia. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>China</Name><Description>Hold Beijing accountable</Description><Identifier>_09448f24-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>China</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>China ~ The PRC is the only competitor with both the intent to reshape the international order and,
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it. Beijing has
ambitions to create an enhanced sphere of influence in the Indo-Pacific and to become the
world’s leading power. It is using its technological capacity and increasing influence over
international institutions to create more permissive conditions for its own authoritarian model,
and to mold global technology use and norms to privilege its interests and values. Beijing
frequently uses its economic power to coerce countries. It benefits from the openness of the
international economy while limiting access to its domestic market, and it seeks to make the
world more dependent on the PRC while reducing its own dependence on the world. The PRC is also investing in a military that is rapidly modernizing, increasingly capable in the Indo-Pacific,
and growing in strength and reach globally – all while seeking to erode U.S. alliances in the
region and around the world.
^^
At the same time, the PRC is also central to the global economy and has a significant impact on
shared challenges, particularly climate change and global public health. It is possible for the
United States and the PRC to coexist peacefully, and share in and contribute to human progress
together.
^^
Our strategy toward the PRC is threefold ...  The first two
elements— invest and align— are described in the previous section and are essential to outcompeting the PRC in the technological, economic, political, military, intelligence, and global
governance domains.
^^
Competition with the PRC is most pronounced in the Indo-Pacific, but it is also increasingly
global. Around the world, the contest to write the rules of the road and shape the relationships
that govern global affairs is playing out in every region and across economics, technology,
diplomacy, development, security, and global governance.
^^
In the competition with the PRC, as in other arenas, it is clear that the next ten years will be the
decisive decade. We stand now at the inflection point, where the choices we make and the
priorities we pursue today will set us on a course that determines our competitive position long
into the future.
^^
Many of our allies and partners, especially in the Indo-Pacific, stand on the frontlines of the
PRC’s coercion and are rightly determined to seek to ensure their own autonomy, security, and
prosperity. We will support their ability to make sovereign decisions in line with their interests
and values, free from external pressure, and work to provide high-standard and scaled
investment, development assistance, and markets. Our strategy will require us to partner with,
support, and meet the economic and development needs of partner countries, not for the sake of
competition, but for their own sake. We will act in common purpose to address a range of issues
– from untrusted digital infrastructure and forced labor in supply chains and illegal, unreported,
and unregulated fishing. We will hold Beijing accountable for abuses – genocide and crimes
against humanity in Xinjiang, human rights violations in Tibet, and the dismantling of Hong
Kong’s autonomy and freedoms – even as it seeks to pressure countries and communities into
silence. We will continue prioritizing investments in a combat credible military that deters
aggression against our allies and partners in the region, and can help those allies and partners
defend themselves.
^^
We have an abiding interest in maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, which is
critical to regional and global security and prosperity and a matter of international concern and
attention. We oppose any unilateral changes to the status quo from either side, and do not support
Taiwan independence. We remain committed to our one China policy, which is guided by the
Taiwan Relations Act, the Three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances. And we will
uphold our commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act to support Taiwan’s self-defense and
to maintain our capacity to resist any resort to force or coercion against Taiwan.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Investment</Name><Description>Invest in the foundations of our strength at home – our competitiveness, our innovation, our resilience, our democracy</Description><Identifier>_094491cc-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.1.1.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Strategic Alignment</Name><Description>Align our efforts with our network of allies and partners, acting with common purpose and in common cause</Description><Identifier>_09449636-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.1.1.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Competition</Name><Description>Compete responsibly with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for the future.</Description><Identifier>_094498f2-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.1.1.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Russia</Name><Description>Lead a response to Russia's imperialist foreign policy</Description><Identifier>_09449afa-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Russia</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Russia ~ Over the past decade, the Russian government has chosen to pursue an imperialist foreign policy
with the goal of overturning key elements of the international order. This culminated in a
full-scale invasion of Ukraine in an attempt to topple its government and bring it under Russian
control. But, this attack did not come out of the blue; it was preceded by Russia’s 2014 invasion
of Ukraine, its military intervention in Syria, its longstanding efforts to destabilize its neighbors
using intelligence and cyber capabilities, and its blatant attempts to undermine internal
democratic processes in countries across Europe, Central Asia, and around the world. Russia has
also interfered brazenly in U.S. politics and worked to sow divisions among the American
people. And Russia’s destabilizing actions are not limited to the international arena.
Domestically, the Russian government under President Putin violates its citizens’ human rights,
suppresses its opposition, and shutters independent media. Russia now has a stagnant political
system that is unresponsive to the needs of its people.
The United States, under successive administrations, made considerable efforts at multiple points
to reach out to Russia to limit our rivalry and identify pragmatic areas of cooperation. President
Putin spurned these efforts and it is now clear he will not change. Russia now poses an
immediate and persistent threat to international peace and stability. This is not about a struggle
between the West and Russia. It is about the fundamental principles of the UN Charter, which Russia is a party to, particularly respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the prohibition
against acquiring territory through war.
We are leading a united, principled, and resolute response to Russia’s invasion and we have
rallied the world to support the Ukrainian people as they bravely defend their country. Working
with a broad and durable international coalition, we have marshalled near-record levels of
security assistance to ensure Ukraine has the means to defend itself. We have provided
humanitarian, economic and development assistance to strengthen Ukraine’s sovereign, elected
government and help the millions of refugees who have been forced to flee their homes. We will
continue to stand with the people of Ukraine as they fight back against Russia’s naked
aggression. And we will rally the world to hold Russia accountable for the atrocities they have
unleashed across Ukraine.
Alongside our allies and partners, America is helping to make Russia’s war on Ukraine a
strategic failure. Across Europe, NATO and the European Union are united in standing up to
Russia and defending shared values. We are constraining Russia’s strategic economic sectors,
including defense and aerospace, and we will continue to counter Russia’s attempts to weaken
and destabilize sovereign nations and undermine multilateral institutions. Together with our
NATO Allies, we are strengthening our defense and deterrence, particularly on the eastern flank
of the Alliance. Welcoming Finland and Sweden to NATO will further improve our security and
capabilities. And we are renewing our focus on bolstering our collective resilience against shared
threats from Russia, including asymmetric threats. More broadly, Putin’s war has profoundly
diminished Russia’s status vis-a-vis China and other Asian powers such as India and Japan.
Moscow’s soft power and diplomatic influence have waned, while its efforts to weaponize
energy have backfired. The historic global response to Russia’s war against Ukraine sends a
resounding message that countries cannot enjoy the benefits of global integration while
trampling on the core tenets of the UN Charter.
^^
While some aspects of our approach will depend on the trajectory of the war in Ukraine, a
number of elements are already clear...
^^
The United States respects the Russian people and their contributions to science, culture and
constructive bilateral relations over many decades. Notwithstanding the Russian government’s
strategic miscalculation in attacking Ukraine, it is the Russian people who will determine
Russia’s future as a major power capable of once more playing a constructive role in international affairs. The United States will welcome such a future, and in the meantime, will
continue to push back against the aggression perpetrated by the Russian government.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Ukraine</Name><Description>Support Ukraine</Description><Identifier>_0944a3f6-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.2.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Ukraine</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>European Union</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>First, the United States will continue to support Ukraine in
its fight for its freedom, we will help Ukraine recover economically, and we will encourage its
regional integration with the European Union.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>NATO</Name><Description>Defend every inch of NATO territory and continue to build and deepen a coalition with allies and partners</Description><Identifier>_0944a6d0-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.2.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>NATO</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Europe</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Second, the United States will defend every inch
of NATO territory and will continue to build and deepen a coalition with allies and partners to
prevent Russia from causing further harm to European security, democracy, and institutions.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Deterence &amp; Response</Name><Description>Deter and, as necessary, respond to Russian actions that threaten
core U.S. interests</Description><Identifier>_0944a8ec-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.2.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Third, the United States will deter and, as necessary, respond to Russian actions that threaten
core U.S. interests, including Russian attacks on our infrastructure and our democracy.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Nuclear Weapons</Name><Description>Disallow Russia, or any power, to achieve its objectives through using, or threatening to use, nuclear weapons</Description><Identifier>_0944b454-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.2.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Fourth,
Russia’s conventional military will have been weakened, which will likely increase Moscow’s
reliance on nuclear weapons in its military planning. The United States will not allow Russia, or
any power, to achieve its objectives through using, or threatening to use, nuclear weapons.
America retains an interest in preserving strategic stability and developing a more expansive,
transparent, and verifiable arms control infrastructure to succeed New START and in rebuilding
European security arrangements which, due to Russia’s actions, have fallen in to disrepair.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Mutuality</Name><Description>Sustain and develop pragmatic modes of interaction to handle issues on which dealing with Russia can be mutually beneficial</Description><Identifier>_0944b74c-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.2.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Finally, the United States will sustain and develop pragmatic modes of interaction to handle
issues on which dealing with Russia can be mutually beneficial.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Shared Challenges</Name><Description>Maintain and increase international cooperation on shared challenges</Description><Identifier>_0944b9b8-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Cooperating on Shared Challenges ~ The United States must maintain and increase international cooperation on shared challenges
even in an age of greater inter-state competition. In an ideal world, governments would compete
responsibly where their interests diverge and cooperate where they converge—but things have
not always worked out this way in practice. The United States, for example, has made clear that
we will not support the linkage of issues in a way that conditions cooperation on shared
challenges, but some in Beijing have been equally clear that the PRC should expect concessions
on unrelated issues as a prerequisite to cooperation on shared challenges, such as climate change.
We have also seen how the PRC chose not to cooperate adequately with the World Health
Organization and the international community on the global response to COVID-19, including
on the investigation into its origins. It also continues to endanger the world with inadequate
action on climate change domestically, particularly regarding massive coal power use and build
up.
^^
Our strategy to tackle the shared challenges that require global cooperation involves two
simultaneous tracks: on one track, we will fully engage all countries and institutions to cooperate
on shared threats, including by pressing for reforms where institutional responses have proven
inadequate. At the same time, we will also redouble our efforts to deepen our cooperation with
like-minded partners. Across both tracks, we will also seek to harness the positive effects of
competition, promoting a race to the top, to increase international efforts on these challenges. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Climate &amp; Energy</Name><Description/><Identifier>_0944be36-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Climate and Energy Security ~ The climate crisis is the existential challenge of our time. A warming planet endangers
Americans and people around the world—risking food and water supplies, public health, and
infrastructure and our national security. Without immediate global action to reduce emissions,
scientists tell us we will soon exceed 1.5 degrees of warming, locking in further extreme heat and
weather, rising sea levels, and catastrophic biodiversity loss.
^^
Global action begins at home, where we are making unprecedented generational investments in
the clean energy transition through the IRA, simultaneously creating millions of good paying
jobs and strengthening American industries. We are enhancing Federal, state, and local
preparedness against and resilience to growing extreme weather threats, and we’re integrating
climate change into our national security planning and policies. This domestic work is key to our
international credibility, and to getting other countries to up their own ambition and action.
^^
The United States is galvanizing the world and incentivizing further action. Building on the
Leaders’ Summit on Climate, Major Economies Forum, and Paris Agreement process, we are
helping countries meet and strengthen their nationally determined contributions, reduce
emissions, tackle methane and other super pollutants, promote carbon dioxide removals, adapt to
the most severe impacts of climate change, and end deforestation over the next decade. We’re
also using our economic heft to drive decarbonization. Our steel agreement with the EU, the
first-ever arrangement on steel and aluminum to address both carbon intensity and global
overcapacity, is a model for future climate-focused trade mechanisms. And we are ending public finance for unabated coal power, and mobilizing financing to speed investments in adaptation
and the energy transition.
^^
Events like Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine have made clear the urgent need to
accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels. We know that long-term energy security depends
on clean energy. Recognizing this transition will not happen overnight, we will work with
partners and allies to ensure energy security and affordability, secure access to critical mineral
supply chains, and create a just transition for impacted workers. Through collaborative work in
the International Energy Agency, the U.S.-EU Task Force on European Energy Security, the
Clean Energy Ministerial and Mission Innovation, Power Africa, the Eastern Mediterranean Gas
Forum, the Partnership for Transatlantic Energy and Climate Cooperation, and other critical fora,
we will drive concrete action to achieve an energy secure future.
^^
Many low-income and lower-middle income countries need assistance, especially for mitigation
and adaptation efforts. That is why we are aiming to provide over $11 billion in annual climate
funding, and are pressing partners to increase their own contributions. We are embedding climate
change into the investment strategies of our development finance institutions, including through
PGII, and working with international organizations like the World Bank and regional
development banks to do the same. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Pandemics &amp; Biodefense</Name><Description/><Identifier>_0944c110-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Pandemics and Biodefense ~ COVID-19 has killed nearly 6.5 million people around the world, including more than 1 million
Americans, but the next pandemic could be much worse—as contagious but more lethal. We
have a narrow window of opportunity to take steps nationally and internationally to prepare for
the next pandemic and to strengthen our biodefense.
^^
In the United States, that requires preparing for catastrophic biological risks, including by
improving early warning and disease surveillance, data sharing and forecasting; speeding
development, domestic manufacturing, and delivery of medical countermeasures; advancing safe
biotechnology development and manufacturing; and overcoming inequities in care quality and
access.
^^
Internationally, it requires action on multiple fronts. The United States has recommitted to
COVAX, to which we are the largest donor, the World Health Organization, and a cooperative
approach toward global health security. We recognize that no one is safe until everyone is safe,
which is why we have donated more vaccines internationally than any other country, with no
political strings attached. We are working with allies and partners, including philanthropic
organizations and the private sector, to boost sustainable vaccine manufacturing in Africa and
South Asia.
^^
We recognize that we must engage with all countries on global public health, including those
with whom we disagree, because pandemics know no borders. We also acknowledge that some
of our international institutions have fallen short in the past and need to be reformed. While we
believe that many of these reforms can be agreed upon and implemented over the lifetime of this
administration, we also recognize that ultimately some may fall short because other countries do
not share our belief in greater transparency and sharing critical data with the international
community. Therefore, as we engage globally and through international institutions, we will also
deepen our cooperation with like-minded states to push for reforms on pandemic preparedness
and if necessary to work more closely together to set higher standards that others can emulate.
^^ 
We will also tackle the increasing risk posed by deliberate and accidental biological risks,
including through our ability to rapidly detect, identify, and attribute agents, and to develop
medical countermeasures. Working with partners and allies, we will strengthen the Biological
Weapons Convention to deter state biological warfare capabilities; prevent terrorist acquisition
or use of biological weapons; and reinforce international norms against biological weapons’
development and use. We will also reduce biological risks associated with advancements in
technologies and dual-use research and development, including by establishing and
strengthening international biosafety and biosecurity norms and practices. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Food</Name><Description/><Identifier>_0944c354-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Food Insecurity ~ Global food systems today are under threat from a variety of sources, including Russia’s
invasion of Ukraine, the economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, climate events, and
protracted conflicts—all of which threaten to push 75-95 million more people into extreme
poverty in 2022 than were expected before the pandemic. The food insecurity crisis has become
particularly dangerous because of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which took much of
Ukraine’s grain off the market and exacerbated an already worsening global food insecurity
problem. To address the needs of the hundreds of millions of people now suffering as a result,
the United States is providing more humanitarian assistance than ever before. We remain the
largest contributor to the World Food Programme and the leading donor in nearly every country
experiencing a humanitarian food crisis.
^^
Over the longer term, we are rallying the world to find ways to deal with the broad set of
challenges for the world’s food supply achieving sustained global food security demands
constant vigilance and action by all governments, in partnership with multilateral institutions and
non-governmental organizations. Working together with our partners, we launched the Roadmap
for Global Food Security: A Call to Action which urges the more than 100 signatory states to
take several actions including keeping food and agricultural markets open, increasing fertilizer
production, and investing in climate-resilient agriculture. The United States is also implementing
the Global Food Security Strategy, which focuses on reducing global poverty, hunger, and
malnutrition by supporting inclusive and sustainable agriculture-led economic growth;
strengthening resilience among people and food systems; and supporting well-nourished healthy
populations, especially among women and children. This requires working across entire food
systems to consider every step from cultivation to consumption, and to integrate these efforts
within larger climate, health, conflict mitigation, and peacebuilding work. To ensure these efforts
are durable and sustainable requires centering equity and inclusion, and partnering both with
local partners and international bodies. Going forward, the United States must continue to
address both acute needs and work collaboratively to build sustained food security for the long
term. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Arms</Name><Description/><Identifier>_0944c958-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Arms Control and Non-Proliferation ~ Nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons proliferation is a vitally important and enduring
global challenge, requiring sustained collaboration to prevent the spread of weapons of mass
destruction and fissile material, their means of delivery, and enabling technologies. The
United States will work with allies and partners, civil society, and international organizations to
strengthen arms control and nonproliferation mechanisms, especially during times of conflict
when escalation risks are greater. We will address the existential threat posed by the proliferation of nuclear weapons through renewed arms control and nonproliferation leadership. We will
continue to seek pragmatic engagement with competitors about strategic stability and risk
reduction. Our approach will emphasize measures that head off costly arms races, reduce the
likelihood of miscalculation, and complement U.S. and allied deterrence strategies.
^^
We will lead bilateral and multilateral arms control efforts and strengthen existing regimes,
frameworks, and institutions, including the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty Organization, International Atomic Energy Agency, and other United Nations
bodies, to extend the more than seven-decade record of nuclear non-use. We will support the
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the Biological Weapons Convention
and reinforce norms against the possession and use of chemical and biological weapons. We will
continue to lead the world in coordinated efforts to lock down nuclear and radiological materials
and prevent terrorist acquisition. And we will ensure multilateral export control regimes are
equipped to address destabilizing emerging technologies and to align export policies in
like-minded states toward countries of concern.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Terrorism</Name><Description/><Identifier>_0944cc78-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Terrorism ~ Today’s terrorist threat is more ideologically diverse and geographically diffuse than that of two
decades ago. Al-Qa‘ida, ISIS, and associated forces have expanded from Afghanistan and the
Middle East into Africa and Southeast Asia.
^^
Syria, Yemen, and Somalia remain terrorist sanctuaries; local affiliates have become entrenched
actors in regional conflicts. Many of these groups still intend to carry out or inspire others to
attack the United States and our interests abroad, even as years of sustained counterterrorism and
law enforcement pressure have constrained their capabilities, and enhanced security measures
and information sharing have improved our defenses. Meanwhile, we face sharply increased
threats from a range of domestic violent extremists here in the United States.
^^
America remains steadfast in protecting our country and our people and facilities overseas from
the full spectrum of terrorism threats that we face in the 21st century. As the threat evolves, so
too must our counterterrorism approach. To that end, last year, we ended America’s longest war,
in Afghanistan, having long ago achieved our objective of delivering justice to Osama Bin Laden
and other key leadership of al-Qa’ida. We are confident in our ability to maintain the fight
against al-Qa’ida, ISIS, and associated forces from over the horizon, as we demonstrated with
the operation to kill Ayman al-Zawahiri. We will ensure Afghanistan never again serves as a safe
haven for terrorist attacks on the United States or our allies and we will hold the Taliban
accountable for its public commitments on counterterrorism.
^^
Around the world, we will increase cooperation and support to trusted partners, shifting from a
strategy that is “U.S.-led, partner-enabled” to one that is “partner-led, U.S.-enabled.” That
requires building or expanding systems to prevent, detect, and respond to threats as they
develop—including by strengthening partners’ law enforcement and judicial systems, improving
threat information sharing, enhancing border security, countering terrorist financing, targeting
terrorist prevention and extremist disengagement programming, and preventing online and
offline terrorist recruitment and mobilization to violence. It also necessitates addressing the root
causes of radicalization by leveraging U.S. and partner efforts to support effective governance,
promote stabilization and economic development, and resolve ongoing conflicts. 
^^
Where necessary, we will use force to disrupt and degrade terrorist groups that are plotting
attacks against the United States, our people, or our diplomatic and military facilities abroad. We
will do so consistent with domestic and international law and in a manner that minimizes civilian
casualties, while promoting greater transparency and accountability. We are committed to
continuing to work with the Congress to replace outdated authorizations for the use of military
force with a narrow and specific framework appropriate to ensure that we can continue to protect
Americans from terrorist threats. Here at home, we will continue to work with state, local, tribal,
and territorial partners and the private sector to share information and disrupt terrorist plots that
threaten our citizens.
^^
We face an increased and significant threat within the United States from a range of domestic
violent extremists, including those motivated by racial or ethnic prejudice, as well as antigovernment or anti-authority sentiment. Continuing to implement our first-ever National
Strategy for Countering Domestic Terrorism will enable us to better understand and share
information regarding the domestic terrorist threat, prevent recruitment and mobilization to
violence, and disrupt and deter domestic terrorist activity and any transnational linkages—all
while reinforcing respect for civil rights and civil liberties. Already, we are providing more and
better information on domestic violent extremist threats to state, local, territorial, and tribal
partners, and using new mechanisms, such as smartphone-based applications, to do so in real
time. We are investing millions of dollars in data-driven violence prevention efforts, including
through grant programs available to Federal, state, territorial, tribal, and nonprofit partners, as
well as to houses of worship as they face increased threats. We are working with like-minded
governments, civil society, and the technology sector to address terrorist and violent extremist
content online, including through innovative research collaborations. And we are confronting the
long-term contributors to domestic violent extremist threats, including working with Congress to
advance commonsense gun laws and policies, and addressing the crisis of disinformation and
misinformation, often channeled through social and other media platforms, that can fuel extreme
polarization and lead some individuals to violence. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Crime</Name><Description>Combat transnational organized crime</Description><Identifier>_4f66c5e4-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.6</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Combatting Transnational Organized Crime ~ Transnational organized crime impacts a growing number of victims while amplifying other consequential global challenges, from migration to cyber-attacks. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) are involved in activities such as the trafficking of drugs and other illicit goods, money laundering, theft, human smuggling and trafficking, cybercrime, fraud, corruption, and illegal fishing and mining. These activities feed violence in our communities, endanger public safety and health, and contribute to tens of thousands of drug-overdose deaths in the
United States each year. They degrade the security and stability of our neighbors and partners by undermining the rule of law, fostering corruption, acting as proxies for hostile state activities, and exploiting and endangering vulnerable populations.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Interdisciplinarity</Name><Description>Integrate the work of law enforcement with diplomatic, financial, intelligence, and other tools, and in coordination with foreign partners</Description><Identifier>_4f66d32c-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.6.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Law Enforcement</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Diplomats</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Financial Officers</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Intelligence Community</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>We will accelerate our efforts to curb the threat posed by transnational organized crime, integrating the vital work of law enforcement with diplomatic, financial, intelligence, and other tools, and in coordination with foreign partners.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Drugs</Name><Description>Reduce the availability of illicit drugs</Description><Identifier>_4f66d94e-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.6.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>As part of this effort, we will work to reduce the availability of illicit drugs in the United States, especially the growing scourge of fentanyl and methamphetamines, by bringing all the tools of government to bear to interdict drugs and disrupt TCO’s supply chains and the financial networks that enable their corrosive activities. Recognizing that this is a problem with global reach we will work closely with our international partners to stop TCOs from getting precursor chemicals and work closely with private industry to increase vigilance and prevent the diversion of chemicals for illicit fentanyl production. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Rules</Name><Description>Shape the rules of the road</Description><Identifier>_4f66df70-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.7</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Shaping the Rules of the Road ~ Since 1945, the United States has led the creation of institutions, norms, and standards to govern international trade and investment, economic policy, and technology. These mechanisms advanced America’s economic and geopolitical aims and benefited people around the world by shaping how governments and economies interacted—and did so in ways that aligned with U.S. interests and values. These mechanisms have not kept pace with economic or technological changes, and today risk being irrelevant, or in certain cases, actively harmful to solving the challenges we now face—from insecure supply chains to widening inequality to the abuses of the PRC’s nonmarket economic actions. We are endeavoring to strengthen and update the UN system and multilateral institutions generally. Nowhere is this need more acute than in updating the rules of the road for technology, cyberspace, trade, and economics.
^^
By doing so in close coordination with our allies and partners, we will establish fair rules while also sustaining our economic and technological edge and shape a future defined by fair competition—because when American workers and companies compete on a level playing field, they win. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Technology</Name><Description>Enable the United States and like-minded democracies to work together</Description><Identifier>_4f66e39e-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.7.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Democracies</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Technology is central to today’s geopolitical competition and to the future of our national
security, economy and democracy. U.S. and allied leadership in technology and innovation has
long underpinned our economic prosperity and military strength. In the next decade, critical and
emerging technologies are poised to retool economies, transform militaries, and reshape the world. The United States is committed to a future where these technologies increase the security,
prosperity, and values of the American people and like-minded democracies. Our technology
strategy will enable the United States and like-minded democracies to work together to pioneer
new medicines that can cure diseases, increase the production of healthy foods that are
sustainably grown, diversify and strengthen our manufacturing supply chains, and secure energy
without reliance on fossil fuels, all while delivering new jobs and security for the American
people and our allies and partners. With bipartisan support, we have launched a modern
industrial strategy and already secured historic investments in clean energy, microelectronics
manufacturing, research, and development, and biotechnology, and we will work with Congress
to fully fund historic new authorizations for research and development. We also are doubling
down on our longstanding and asymmetric strategic advantage: attracting and retaining the
world’s best talent. Attracting a higher volume of global STEM talent is a priority for our
national security and supply chain security, so we will aggressively implement recent visa
actions and work with Congress to do more.
^^
These investments will enable the United States to anchor an allied techno-industrial base that
will safeguard our shared security, prosperity and values. This means working with allies and
partners to harness and scale new technologies, and promote the foundational technologies of the
21st century, especially microelectronics, advanced computing and quantum technologies,
artificial intelligence, biotechnology and biomanufacturing, advanced telecommunications, and
clean energy technologies. We also will partner with like-minded nations to co-develop and
deploy technologies in a way that benefits all, not only the powerful, and build robust and
durable supply chains so that countries cannot use economic warfare to coerce others.
^^
We are already rallying like-minded actors to advance an international technology ecosystem
that protects the integrity of international standards development and promotes the free flow of
data and ideas with trust, while protecting our security, privacy, and human rights, and enhancing
our competitiveness. That includes work through the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council to
foster transatlantic coordination on semiconductor and critical mineral supply chains, trustworthy
artificial intelligence, disinformation, the misuse of technology threatening security and human
rights, export controls, and investment screening, as well as through the Indo-Pacific Quad on
critical and emerging technologies, open, next-generation digital infrastructure, and people-topeople exchanges. Across this work, we seek to bolster U.S. and allied technology leadership,
advance inclusive and responsible technology development, close regulatory and legal gaps,
strengthen supply chain security, and enhance cooperation on privacy, data sharing, and digital
trade.
^^
We must ensure strategic competitors cannot exploit foundational American and allied
technologies, know-how, or data to undermine American and allied security. We are therefore
modernizing and strengthening our export control and investment screening mechanisms, and
also pursuing targeted new approaches, such as screening of outbound investment, to prevent
strategic competitors from exploiting investments and expertise in ways that threaten our
national security, while also protecting the integrity of allied technological ecosystems and
markets. We will also work to counter the exploitation of American’s sensitive data and
illegitimate use of technology, including commercial spyware and surveillance technology, and
we will stand against digital authoritarianism.
^^
To achieve these goals, the digital backbones of the modern economy must be open, trusted,
interoperable, reliable, and secure. That requires working with a broad range of partners to advance network infrastructure resilience in 5G and other advanced communication
technologies, including by promoting vendor diversity and securing supply chains. These
investments cannot just be made in wealthy countries; we must also focus on providing highquality digital infrastructure in low- and middle-income countries, bridging digital divides by
emphasizing access among marginalized groups. To ensure these investments support positive
technological outcomes, we will partner with industry and governments in shaping technological
standards that ensure quality, consumer safety, and global interoperability, and to advance the
open and transparent standards process that has enabled innovation, growth, and
interconnectivity for decades. And in all that we do we will strive to ensure that technology
supports, and does not undermine, democracy, and is developed, deployed, and governed in
accordance with human rights.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Cyberspace</Name><Description>Secure cyberspace</Description><Identifier>_4f66e89e-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.7.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Securing Cyberspace ~ Our societies, and the critical infrastructure that supports them, from power to pipelines, is
increasingly digital and vulnerable to disruption or destruction via cyber attacks. Such attacks
have been used by countries, such as Russia, to undermine countries' ability to deliver services to
citizens and coerce populations. We are working closely with allies and partners, such as the
Quad, to define standards for critical infrastructure to rapidly improve our cyber resilience, and
building collective capabilities to rapidly respond to attacks. In the face of disruptive cyber
attacks from criminals, we have launched innovative partnerships, to expand law enforcement
cooperation, deny sanctuary to cyber criminals and counter illicit use of cryptocurrency to
launder the proceeds of cybercrime. As an open society, the United States has a clear interest in
strengthening norms that mitigate cyber threats and enhance stability in cyberspace. We aim to
deter cyber attacks from state and non state actors and will respond decisively with all
appropriate tools of national power to hostile acts in cyberspace, including those that disrupt or
degrade vital national functions or critical infrastructure. We will continue to promote adherence
to the UN General Assembly-endorsed framework of responsible state behavior in cyberspace,
which recognizes that international law applies online, just as it does offline. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Trade &amp; Economics</Name><Description>Create a level playing field that will enable American workers and businesses — and those of partners and allies around the world — to thrive</Description><Identifier>_4f66ed30-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.7.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>American Workers</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>American Businesses</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Partners</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Allies</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>America’s prosperity also relies on a fair and open trade and international economic system. The
United States has long benefited from international trade’s ability to promote global economic
growth, lower consumer prices, and access to foreign markets to promote U.S. exports and jobs.
At the same time, the longstanding rules that govern trade and other means of economic
exchange have been violated by non-market actors, like the PRC; were designed to privilege
corporate mobility over workers and the environment, thereby exacerbating inequality and the
climate crisis; and fail to cover the frontiers of the modern economy, including digital trade. The
United States must once again rally partners around rules for creating a level playing field that
will enable American workers and businesses—and those of partners and allies around the
world—to thrive.
^^
As our recent work to create IPEF and the Americas Prosperity for Economic Prosperity show,
we are working to update the current trading system to promote equitable and resilient growth—
encouraging robust trade, countering anticompetitive practices, bringing worker voices to the
decision-making table, and ensuring high labor and environmental standards. We will seek new
export opportunities that benefit American workers and companies, especially small- and medium-sized enterprises, push back on abuses by non-market economies, and enforce rules
against unfair trade and labor practices, including intellectual property theft, discriminatory
regulations, forced labor, the denial of the right to organize, and other forms of labor repression.
We will also use trade tools to advance climate priorities, as we are doing with the landmark
steel and aluminum agreement with the EU. These arrangements will be accompanied by real
adjustment assistance, ensuring all Americans have a dignified place in our shared future. Taken
together, these efforts will create growth and innovation that benefits not only Americans, but
people around the world.
^^
Beyond trade, we are working to build an international economic system fit for contemporary
realities. We will tackle the harms caused to U.S. workers, consumers, and businesses by
currency manipulation; counter corruption and illicit finance; and end the race to the bottom for
corporate taxation through promotion of the OECD’s Global Minimum Tax. We will partner
with countries on sustainable development, including by responding to global debt challenges
and financing quality infrastructure through PGII. We will explore the merits and responsibly
lead development of digital assets, including a digital dollar, with high standards and protections
for stability, privacy, and security to benefit a strong and inclusive U.S. financial system and
reinforce its global primacy. And we will address growth-stymying legal, structural, and cultural
barriers that undermine labor force participation for women and marginalized groups. We will
also support efforts by the international financial institutions will also need to continue to evolve
to meet the challenges of our times. Many of the biggest challenges in our world today—such as
pandemics and health, climate change, fragility, migration and refugee flows—cross borders and
disproportionately affect the poorest, most vulnerable populations. Bolstering these institutions is
also critical to tackling serious long-term challenges to the international order, such as those
posed by the PRC.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Hostages &amp; Detainees</Name><Description>Deter and thwart usage of human beings as pawns</Description><Identifier>_4f66f226-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.7.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Hostages and Wrongful Detainees ~ Using human beings as pawns is antithetical to American values and to the global order to which
we aspire. Yet, that is what governments, regimes, and non-state actors do when they hold
Americans against their will as hostages and wrongful detainees. We are working with our
partners to deter and thwart those inhumane tactics. That includes our issuance in July 2022 of an
executive order implementing a recent U.S. law called the Levinson Act and unlocking new tools
for punishing those who wrongfully kidnap or detain Americans abroad. And it includes working
with key international partners to promote and implement the Canadian-launched Declaration
Against Arbitrary Detention in State-to-State Relations so as to turn the tide against this
inhumane practice and forge international norms against it. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Corruption</Name><Description>Counter corruption</Description><Identifier>_4f66f6cc-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>Priority 2.3.7.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Countering Corruption ~ Corruption poses a fundamental threat to the rule of law. When government officials abuse
public power for private gain, it degrades the business environment, subverts economic
opportunity, and exacerbates inequality. Corruption also contributes to reduced public trust in
state institutions, which in turn can add to the appeal of illiberal actors who exploit popular
grievances for political advantage. In today’s globalized world, international financial systems
are used to stash illicit wealth abroad and to send bribes across borders. The United States
Strategy on Countering Corruption recognizes the unique threat corruption poses to our national
security and places a special emphasis on recognizing the ways in which corrupt actors have
used the U.S. financial system and other rule-of-law based systems to launder their ill-gotten
gains. In response to Russia’s continued invasion of Ukraine, the United States ramped up its
kleptocracy initiatives aimed at recovering corruption proceeds as well as both identifying and
repatriating the laundered proceeds of crime. Finally, the United States will elevate and expand
the scale of diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance, including by enhancing partner
governments’ capacitates to fight corruption in cooperation with U.S. law enforcement
authorities and bolstering the prevention and oversight capacities of willing governments. </OtherInformation></Objective></Goal><Goal><Name>Regions</Name><Description>Partner with countries and people around the world</Description><Identifier>_0944ceda-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>The United States can meet the challenges of this decisive decade only by partnering with
countries and people around the world. Americans rely on and benefit from our broad and deep
relationships in every region; invest in and trade with nearly every country; and study, work, and
live on every continent. Our future and the world’s are interlinked. That is why our strategy is
global.</OtherInformation><Objective><Name>Indo-Pacific Region</Name><Description>Promote a free and open Indo-Pacific</Description><Identifier>_0944d38a-4e8f-11ed-9e95-b90d2e83ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Indo-Pacific Region</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>The Indo-Pacific fuels much of the world’s economic growth and will be the epicenter of
21st century geopolitics. As an Indo-Pacific power, the United States has a vital interest in
realizing a region that is open, interconnected, prosperous, secure, and resilient.
^^
The United States will work with other regional states to keep the Indo-Pacific open and
accessible and ensure that nations are free to make their own choices, consistent with obligations
under international law. We support open societies through investments in democratic
institutions, free press, and civil society and are cooperating with partners to counter information
manipulation and corruption. And we will affirm freedom of the seas and build shared regional
support for open access to the South China Sea—a throughway for nearly two-thirds of global
maritime trade and a quarter of all global trade.
^^
A free and open Indo-Pacific can only be achieved if we build collective capacity. We are
deepening our five regional treaty alliances and closest partnerships. We affirm the centrality of
ASEAN, and seek deeper bonds with Southeast Asian partners. We will expand our regional
diplomatic, development, and economic engagement, with a particular focus on Southeast Asia
and the Pacific Islands. As we work with South Asian regional partners to address climate
change, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the PRC’s coercive behavior, we will promote prosperity
and economic connectivity across the Indian Ocean region. The Quad and AUKUS will also be
critical to addressing regional challenges, and we will further reinforce our collective strength by
weaving our allies and partners closer together—including by encouraging tighter linkages
between likeminded Indo-Pacific and European countries.
^^
The prosperity of everyday Americans is linked to the Indo-Pacific and the United States has
long been a regional trade and investment leader. With our regional partners, we are developing
IPEF to drive inclusive, broad-based prosperity and advance our shared interests in resilient, fair,
digital, and low-carbon economies. Leadership through Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) will complement these efforts.
^^
For 75 years, the United States has maintained a strong and consistent defense presence and will
continue to meaningfully contribute to the region’s stability and peace. We reaffirm our iron-clad
commitments to our Indo-Pacific treaty allies—Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the
Philippines, and Thailand—and we will continue to modernize these alliances. We reaffirm our
unwavering commitment to the defense of Japan under our mutual security treaty, which covers
the Senkaku Islands. As India is the world’s largest democracy and a Major Defense Partner, the
United States and India will work together, bilaterally and multilaterally, to support our shared
vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. We will seek sustained diplomacy with North Korea to
make tangible progress toward the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, while
strengthening extended deterrence in the face of North Korean weapons of mass destruction and
missile threats. The brutal military coup in Burma has undermined regional stability, and we will
continue working closely with allies and partners, including ASEAN, to help restore Burma’s
democratic transition.
^^
We will also work to enhance partners’ resilience to transnational challenges, including climate
and biological threats. The Indo-Pacific is the epicenter of the climate crisis but is also essential
to climate solutions, and our shared responses to the climate crisis are a political imperative and
an economic opportunity. We are also partnering to help the region build resilience to pandemic
disease and to strengthen their health systems, drive investments in global health security, and
expand the region’s ability to prevent, detect, and respond to emergencies.
^^
We have entered a consequential new period of American foreign policy that will demand more
of the United States in the Indo-Pacific than has been asked of us since the Second World War.
No region will be of more significance to the world and to everyday Americans than the
Indo-Pacific. We are ambitious because we know that we and our allies and partners hold a
common vision for its future.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Europe</Name><Description>Deepen our alliance with Europe</Description><Identifier>_4f66fbcc-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Europe</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>With a relationship rooted in shared democratic values, common interests, and historic ties, the
transatlantic relationship is a vital platform on which many other elements of our foreign policy
are built. Europe has been, and will continue to be, our foundational partner in addressing the full
range of global challenges. To effectively pursue a common global agenda, we are broadening
and deepening the transatlantic bond—strengthening NATO, raising the level of ambition in the
U.S.-EU relationship, and standing with our European allies and partners in defense of the
rules-based system that underpins our security, prosperity, and values.
^^
Today, Europe stands at the front lines of the fight to defend the principles of freedom,
sovereignty, and non-aggression, and we will continue to work in lockstep to ensure that freedom
prevails. America remains unequivocally committed to collective defense as enshrined in
NATO’s Article 5 and will work alongside our NATO Allies to deter, defend against, and build
resilience to aggression and coercion in all its forms. As we step up our own sizable contributions to NATO capabilities and readiness—including by strengthening defensive forces
and capabilities, and upholding our long-standing commitment to extended deterrence—we will
count on our Allies to continue assuming greater responsibility by increasing their spending,
capabilities, and contributions. European defense investments, through or complementary to
NATO, will be critical to ensuring our shared security at this time of intensifying competition.
We stand behind NATO’s continued adaptation to modern security challenges, including its
emphasis on defense in cyberspace, climate security, and the growing security risks presented by
the PRC’s policies and actions.
^^
America maintains our fundamental commitment to the pursuit of a Europe that is whole, free,
and at peace. Russia’s further invasion of Ukraine poses a grave threat to this vision, which is
why we are determined to support Ukraine in defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity
while imposing severe costs on Moscow for its aggression. We have supported Ukraine with
security, humanitarian, and financial assistance. We have joined with allies and partners in
Europe and around the globe to impose sanctions and export controls that will degrade Russia’s
ability to wage future wars of aggression. We have partnered with the European Commission on
an ambitious plan to reduce Europe’s dependence on Russian fossil fuels, strengthen European
energy security, and advance shared climate goals. Across these efforts, the EU—an integrated
market of over 450 million people—is an indispensable partner, and we support efforts to foster
EU unity. We also encourage close cooperation on matters of mutual interest between the EU
and the United Kingdom. In addition, we underscore our support for the Good Friday Agreement
which is the bedrock of peace, stability, and prosperity in Northern Ireland.
^^
As we support Ukraine, we will also work to enhance the stability and resilience of other
democracies. We will support the European aspirations of Georgia and Moldova and their
commitment to important institutional reforms. We will assist partners in strengthening
democratic institutions, the rule of law, and economic development in the Western Balkans. We
will back diplomatic efforts to resolve conflict in the South Caucasus. We will continue to
engage with Turkey to reinforce its strategic, political, economic, and institutional ties to the
West. We will work with allies and partners to manage the refugee crisis created by Russia’s war
in Ukraine. And, we will work to forestall terrorist threats to Europe. Elsewhere in Eurasia, we
will continue to support the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Central Asia.
We will foster efforts to enhance resilience and democratic development in the five countries in
this region. We will continue to work through the C5+1 diplomatic platform (Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and the United States) to advance
climate adaptation, improve regional energy and food security, enhance integration within the
region, and build greater connectivity to global markets.
^^
Though rooted in transatlantic strength and stability, our agenda with European allies and
partners is global. We will work with the EU to strengthen trade, investment, and technological
cooperation grounded in shared democratic values—promoting an open and inclusive global
economy, setting high standards for trade, ensuring fair competition, supporting labor rights,
driving decarbonization, fighting corruption, and protecting our innovations from uses that run
counter to our interests and values. Through the G7, we will work with France, Germany, Italy,
and the United Kingdom to galvanize international cooperation on the world’s most pressing
challenges. We will jointly defend human rights, whether in Belarus or Xinjiang. To enact this
ambitious agenda, we will deepen our strategic alignment—consulting regularly, sharing
information and intelligence, and acting together. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Western Hemisphere</Name><Description>Foster democracy and shared prosperity in the Western Hemisphere</Description><Identifier>_4f6701a8-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Western Hemisphere</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>No region impacts the United States more directly than the Western Hemisphere. With
$1.9 trillion in annual trade, shared values and democratic traditions, and familial bonds, nations
of the Western Hemisphere, especially in North America, are key contributors to U.S. prosperity
and resilience. But the COVID-19 pandemic and ensuing recession have exacerbated
longstanding structural challenges, fueled political and social unrest, undermining faith in
democracy’s ability to deliver, and spurred unprecedented levels of irregular migration to the
United States and throughout the region. Recognizing the direct link between the region’s
prosperity and security and that of our own, it is vital for the United States to revitalize our
partnerships to build and preserve economic resilience, democratic stability, and citizen security
within the hemisphere. We will advance these efforts through regular interactions, multilateral
and institutional collaboration, and regional initiatives, and by implementing the commitments
made at the Ninth Summit of the Americas.
^^
The movement of people throughout the Americas, including over six million Venezuelans
forced to leave their homes since 2015, affects all of Latin America and the Caribbean and
reinforces the need for regional action. The Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and
Protection complements U.S. efforts at home to modernize its border infrastructure and build a
fair, orderly, and humane immigration system with a bold hemisphere-wide partnership centered
on the principle of responsibility-sharing, stability and assistance for affected communities, the
expansion of legal pathways, humane migration management, and a coordinated emergency
response. The United States is also leading the charge to expand legal pathways for migration
and to combat illicit human smuggling and trafficking that prey on vulnerable migrants. These
efforts combined aim to stabilize migrant populations and replace irregular migration with
orderly flows that can fuel economic growth in the United States and across the region. We will
pursue these collaborative efforts while ensuring a fundamentally fair, orderly, and humane
approach to migration management that bolster border security and protects our nation.
^^
Ending and mitigating the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and advancing health security are
imperative for the wellbeing of the entire hemisphere. In addition to donating over 72 million
vaccines, through the Action Plan on Health and Resilience in the Americas we are partnering
with the region to prevent, prepare for, and respond to future pandemic threats and other public
health emergencies while also expanding the equitable delivery of healthcare and public services
to remote, vulnerable, and marginalized populations. In addition to supporting countries,
especially in Central America and the Caribbean, in reaching a 70 percent COVID-19
vaccination rate, associated partnerships are boosting increased vaccine manufacturing capability
and helping train 500,000 public health and medical professionals by 2027 through the Americas
Health Corps.
^^
Together with regional partners we are deepening economic cooperation to ensure durable and
inclusive economic growth that delivers for our working people. Our priority is to work with
Canada and Mexico to advance a North American vision for the future that draws on our shared
strengths and bolsters U.S. global competitiveness. Similarly, the Americas Partnership for
Economic Prosperity will guide our regional economic engagement by focusing on the largest
drivers of bottom-up and middle-out growth, updating tools for the new and complex challenges
facing us today and in the decades to come with a focus on reinvigorating regional economic institutions, securing supply chains, creating clean energy jobs and promoting decarbonization,
ensuring sustainable and inclusive trade, and making game-changing investments that increase
the effectiveness of public administration.
^^
Tackling the climate crisis and harnessing the dynamism of the region will be central to our
approach, and we will use mitigation and adaptation efforts to fuel a sustainable economic
recovery and protect forest ecosystems, including by promoting trade and investment in clean
energy to achieve a collective target of 70 percent installed capacity for renewable energy
generation in the region’s electricity sector by 2030 and mobilizing financing and other forms of
support to promote conservation of the Amazon. The United States and the Caribbean
Community also launched the Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis 2030 to expand access
to project financing, attract private investment in clean energy infrastructure and climate
adaptation projects, and enhance local capacity to assess, plan for, predict, mitigate, and respond
to extreme weather events and related risks in a changing climate.
^^
The United States derives security and economic benefits from the region’s democratic stability
and institutions, as our shared values provide a basis for collaboration and peaceful dispute
resolution. To help preserve and enhance these traditions, we will support partners striving to
build transparent, inclusive, and accountable institutions. Together, we will support effective
democratic governance responsive to citizen needs, defend human rights and combat
gender-based violence, tackle corruption, and protect against external interference or coercion,
including from the PRC, Russia, or Iran. Through reinvigorated and representative
Inter-American institutions, and in partnership with civil society and other governments, we will
support democratic self-determination for the people of Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua, and any
country where the popular will is suppressed. In Haiti, which suffers from an extended
humanitarian, political, and economic crisis, we will mobilize the international community to
help restore security, rebuild governing institutions, and support a foundation of prosperity by
which the Haitian people can determine their own future.
^^
We will also assist partners in facing security threats. These challenges may be internal—
including from local gangs, or transnational, including from criminal organizations that traffic
drugs and humans and undertake other illegal operations—or external, as malign actors seek to
gain military or intelligence footholds in the region. These threats impact security throughout the
Americas, including here at home, and we will therefore promote collaboration to help assist
civilian police and, strengthen justice systems in the Americas, and expand information sharing
with our partners.
^^
These priorities—expanding economic opportunities, strengthening democracy, and building
security—are mutually reinforcing and contribute to national, regional, and global stability. We
have an overriding strategic interest in pursuing and strengthening collaboration through
intensified diplomatic engagement with hemispheric partners and institutions based on the
premise that advance a vision of a region that is secure, middle class, and democratic is
fundamentally in the national security interest of the United States. The challenge and the stakes
of this undertaking are accentuated by the backdrop of increased geopolitical and geoeconomics
volatility, the interrelated challenges posed by phenomena like climate change, global
pandemics, and mass migration, and the recognition that the security and prosperity of the
United States hinges on that of our neighbors.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Middle East</Name><Description>Support de-escalation and integration in the Middle East</Description><Identifier>_4f6706d0-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Middle East</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Over the past two decades, U.S. foreign policy has focused predominantly on threats emanating
from the Middle East and North Africa. We have too often defaulted to military-centric policies
underpinned by an unrealistic faith in force and regime change to deliver sustainable outcomes,
while failing to adequately account for opportunity costs to competing global priorities or
unintended consequences. It is time to eschew grand designs in favor of more practical steps that
can advance U.S. interests and help regional partners lay the foundation for greater stability,
prosperity, and opportunity for the people of the Middle East and for the American people.
^^
The United States has set forth a new framework for U.S. policy in the region based on
America’s unparalleled comparative advantage in building partnerships, coalitions, and alliances
to strengthen deterrence, while using diplomacy to de-escalate tensions, reduce risks of new
conflicts, and set a long-term foundation for stability.
^^
This framework has five principles. First, the United States will support and
strengthen partnerships with countries that subscribe to the rules-based international order, and
we will make sure those countries can defend themselves against foreign threats. Second,
the United States will not allow foreign or regional powers to jeopardize freedom of navigation
through the Middle East’s waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al Mandab,
nor tolerate efforts by any country to dominate another—or the region—through military
buildups, incursions, or threats. Third, even as the United States works to deter threats to
regional stability, we will work to reduce tensions, de-escalate, and end conflicts wherever
possible through diplomacy. Fourth, the United States will promote regional integration by
building political, economic, and security connections between and among U.S. partners,
including through integrated air and maritime defense structures, while respecting each country’s
sovereignty and independent choices. Fifth, the United States will always promote human rights
and the values enshrined in the UN Charter.
^^
This new framework builds on the recent progress regional states have made to bridge their
enduring divides. We will continue to work with allies and partners to enhance their capabilities
to deter and counter Iran’s destabilizing activities. We will pursue diplomacy to ensure that Iran
can never acquire a nuclear weapon, while remaining postured and prepared to use other means
should diplomacy fail. Iran’s threats against U.S. personnel as well as current and former U.S.
officials will not be tolerated, and as we have demonstrated, we will respond when our people
and interests are attacked. As we do so, we will always stand with the Iranian people striving for
the basic rights and dignity long denied them by the regime in Tehran.
^^
More broadly we will combine diplomacy, economic aid, and security assistance to local
partners to alleviate suffering, reduce instability, and prevent the export of terrorism or mass
migration from Yemen, Syria, and Libya, while working with regional governments to manage
the broader impact of these challenges. We will seek to extend and deepen Israel’s growing ties
to its neighbors and other Arab states, including through the Abraham Accords, while
maintaining our ironclad commitment to its security. We will also continue to promote a viable
two state solution that preserves Israel’s future as a Jewish and democratic state while meeting
Palestinian aspirations for a secure and viable state of their own. As President Biden stated
during his visit to the West Bank in July 2022, “Two States along the 1967 lines, with mutually
agreed swaps, remain the best way to achieve equal measure of security, prosperity, freedom,
and democracy for Palestinians as well as Israelis.” 
^^
This new framework relies on a sustainable and effective military posture focused on deterrence,
strengthening partner capacity, enabling regional security integration, countering terrorist threats,
and ensuring the free flow of global commerce. In conjunction with the use of other instruments
of national power, these military activities also help counter external actors’ military expansion
in the region. We will not use our military to change regimes or remake societies, but instead
limit the use of force to circumstances where it is necessary to protect our national security
interests and consistent with international law, while enabling our partners to defend their
territory from external and terrorist threats.
^^
We will encourage economic and political reforms that help unlock the region’s potential,
including by fostering greater economic integration to drive growth and create jobs. We will
encourage energy producers to use their resources to stabilize global energy markets, while also
preparing for a clean energy future and protecting American consumers. We will also continue to
support our democratic partners and demand accountability for violations of human rights,
recognizing that while true reform can only come from within, the United States still has an
important role to play. The United States is the largest bilateral donor of humanitarian assistance
and a longstanding champion for principled, needs-based humanitarian action. We will sustain
our leadership on humanitarian assistance and manage long-term refugee and displacement
crises, which help realize human dignity and bolster stability. And we will accelerate our support
to regional partners to help them build greater resilience, as the future of the Middle East will be
defined as much by climate, technological, and demographic changes as by traditional security
matters.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Africa</Name><Description>Build 21st century U.S.-Africa partnerships</Description><Identifier>_4f67131e-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Africa</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Africa’s governments, institutions, and people are a major geopolitical force, one that will play a
crucial role in solving global challenges in the coming decade. Africa is more youthful, mobile,
educated, and connected than ever before. African countries comprise one of the largest regional
voting groups at the UN and their citizens lead major international institutions. The continent’s
booming population, vital natural resources, and vibrant entrepreneurship, coupled with the
African Continental Free Trade Area, have the potential to drive transformative economic
growth. Our partnerships with African states over the past three decades helped lay the
groundwork for this growth. To accelerate it, U.S.-Africa partnerships must adapt to reflect the
important geopolitical role that African nations play globally.
^^
Advancing America’s national interests will hinge in part on working more closely, not only
with African nations, but also with regional bodies, such as the African Union, subnational
governments, civil society, and private sector and diaspora communities. We will continue to
invest in the region’s largest states, such as Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa, while also
deepening our ties to medium and small states. We will engage African countries as equal
partners to achieve our shared priorities from health and pandemic preparedness to climate
change. We will also press partners about human rights, corruption, or authoritarian behavior,
and deepen partnerships with countries that make progress toward more open and democratic
governance. In coordination with international partners and regional bodies, we will counter
democratic backsliding by imposing costs for coups and pressing for progress on civilian
transitions. And we will listen to African leaders and people as they articulate their vision for their foreign partnerships, including expectations for transparency, accountability, fairness,
inclusion, and equity.
^^
Enhancing Africa’s peace and prosperity will bolster Africa’s ability to solve regional and global
problems. The region’s commitment and capacity to renew democracy, as well as anticipate,
prevent, and address emerging and long running conflicts can lead to favorable outcomes for
Africans and Americans. We will support African-led efforts to work toward political solutions
to costly conflicts, increasing terrorist activity, and humanitarian crises, such as those in
Cameroon, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Somalia, and
the Sahel, and invest in local and international peacebuilding and peacekeeping to prevent new
conflicts from emerging. Consistent with our broader counterterrorism approach, we will disrupt
and degrade terrorist threats against the United States while supporting partners to prevent
terrorist expansion. We will work with our African and international partners to tackle the root
causes of terrorism, including by countering corruption, strengthening accountability and justice,
investing in inclusive economic development, and advancing human rights, including women’s
rights, and also push back on the destabilizing impact of the Russia-backed Wagner Group.
^^
We will support accelerating growth through private sector investment, help Africa unlock its
digital economy, double down on tackling food insecurity, and expand clean energy
infrastructure through the Prosper Africa, Feed the Future, and Power Africa initiatives. We will
support climate adaptation, conservation, and a just energy transition, as sub-Saharan African
countries are already experiencing severe climate impacts, compounding land use, migration
challenges, and rising food and commodity prices, made worse by Russia’s further invasion of
Ukraine. Quality healthcare systems are essential to economic growth, and we will build on our
decades-long partnerships to invest in health security and health systems infrastructure, and the
ongoing COVID-19 response. We will also work with African governments to create the
business environments and make the investments in human capital and capacity development to
attract investors, grow businesses, and create good jobs across sectors—and to bolster
U.S.-Africa trade and create new opportunities for U.S. businesses. We will seek to offer
opportunities that reflect America’s competitive advantages, promoting inclusive growth,
respecting workers’ rights, and protecting the region’s resources for future generations. </OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Arctic</Name><Description>Maintain a peaceful Arctic</Description><Identifier>_4f671f94-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.6</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Arctic</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>The United States seeks an Arctic region that is peaceful, stable, prosperous, and cooperative.
Climate change is making the Arctic more accessible than ever, threatening Arctic communities
and vital ecosystems, creating new potential economic opportunities. and intensifying
competition to shape the region’s future. Russia has invested significantly in its presence in the
Arctic over the last decade, modernizing its military infrastructure and increasing the pace of
exercises and training operations. Its aggressive behavior has raised geopolitical tensions in the
Arctic, creating new risks of unintended conflict and hindering cooperation. The PRC has also
sought to increase its influence in the Arctic by rapidly increased its Arctic investments, pursuing
new scientific activities, and using these scientific engagements to conduct dual-use research
with intelligence or military applications.
^^
We will uphold U.S. security in the region by improving our maritime domain awareness,
communications, disaster response capabilities, and icebreaking capacity to prepare for increased
international activity in the region. We will exercise U.S. Government presence in the region as required, while reducing risk and preventing unnecessary escalation. Arctic nations have the
primary responsibility for addressing regional challenges, and we will deepen our cooperation
with our Arctic allies and partners and work with them to sustain the Arctic Council and other
Arctic institutions despite the challenges to Arctic cooperation posed by Russia’s war in Ukraine.
We will continue to protect freedom of navigation and determine the U.S. extended continental
shelf in accordance with international rules. We must build resilience to and mitigate climate
change in the region, including through agreements to reduce emissions and more cross-Arctic
research collaboration. As economic activity in the Arctic increases, we will invest in
infrastructure, improve livelihoods, and encourage responsible private sector investment by the
United States, our allies, and our partners, including in critical minerals, and improve investment
screening for national security purposes. Across these efforts, we will uphold our commitment to
honor Tribal sovereignty and self-governance through regular, meaningful, and robust
consultation and collaboration with Alaska Native communities.</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>Sea, Air &amp; Space</Name><Description>Protect sea, air, and space</Description><Identifier>_4f67271e-4f61-11ed-bb67-cbb51183ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>3.7</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>People around the world depend on the sea, air, and space for their security and prosperity.
The world’s interconnected oceans, lands, waterways, and other ecosystems generate economic
opportunity and enable critical commercial and military activity. They contain biodiversity vital
to food security, clean air and water, a stable climate, and health and wellbeing. Threats to these
systems—including excessive maritime and airspace claims, pollution and unregulated
deforestation, and wildlife trafficking and illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing—impact
governments’ abilities to meet basic human needs and contribute to political, economic, and
social instability. We will stand up for freedom of navigation and overflight, support
environmental protection, and oppose destructive distant water fishing practices by upholding
international laws and norms, including the customary international law rules in the UN
Convention on the Law of the Sea. And we will promote Antarctica’s status as a continent
reserved for peace and science in accordance with the provisions of the Antarctic Treaty of 1959.
^^
Space exploration and use benefits humanity, from creating economic opportunities to
developing new technologies and enabling climate surveillance. America will maintain our
position as the world’s leader in space and work alongside the international community to ensure
the domain’s sustainability, safety, stability, and security. We must lead in updating outer space
governance, establishing a space traffic coordination system and charting a path for future space
norms and arms control. Working with allies and partners, we will develop policies and
regulations that enable the burgeoning U.S. commercial space sector to compete internationally.
We will enhance the resilience of U.S. space systems that we rely on for critical national and
homeland security functions. These efforts aim to protect U.S. interests in space, avoid
destabilizing arms races, and responsibly steward the space environment. </OtherInformation></Objective></Goal><Goal><Name>Statecraft</Name><Description>Modernize and adapt our tools of statecraft</Description><Identifier>_8d4b2d8a-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>Sharpen Our Tools of Statecraft ~ Our national security institutions and workforce underpin America’s global leadership and the security, prosperity, and freedoms of the American people. To achieve our ambitious aims, we must modernize and adapt our tools of statecraft for today’s challenges. For example, we are: </OtherInformation><Objective><Name>Diplomacy</Name><Description>Strengthen American diplomacy by modernizing the Department of State, including through the recent creation of a new bureau for cyberspace and digital policy and special envoy for critical and emerging technologies.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b3726-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Department of State</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Intelligence</Name><Description>Adapt the Intelligence Community (IC), including by aligning our organizations to better address competition, embracing new data tools, and enhancing integration of open source material.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b3afa-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Intelligence Community</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Diseases</Name><Description>Enhance U.S. and global early warning and forecasting for infectious disease threats and pandemics by increasing support for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) Center for Outbreak, Forecasting, and Analytics and foreign assistance for global health security.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b3f00-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Centers for Disease Control and Prevention</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Center for Outbreak, Forecasting, and Analytics</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Emerging Technologies</Name><Description>Reorganize the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy to sharpen its focus on emerging technologies and elevate senior leader attention to critical regions.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b43c4-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Cyber Talent</Name><Description>Bolster the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Cybersecurity Service by reimagining how DHS hires, develops, and retains top-tier and diverse cyber talent.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b47a2-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Department of Homeland Security</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Cybersecurity Service</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Development Assistance</Name><Description>Make development assistance more accessible and equitable by increasing engagement with and shifting 25 percent of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funding to local partners, and double USAID’s work on empowering women and girls.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b4c48-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.6</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>U.S. Agency for International Development</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Local Partners</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Women</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Girls</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Engagement &amp; Partnerships</Name><Description>Expand our engagement with stakeholders and build our capacity to partner with the private sector, philanthropy, diaspora communities, and civil society.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b5026-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.7</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Private Sector</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Philanthropic Sector</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Diaspora Communities</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Generic_Group"><Name>Civil Society</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Technology &amp; National Security</Name><Description>Prioritize technology’s role in national security by elevating the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy to a cabinet-level agency and full member of the National Security Council.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b54c2-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.8</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>Office of Science and Technology Policy</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name>National Security Council</Name><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Workforce</Name><Description>Strengthen the national security workforce</Description><Identifier>_8d4b58b4-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation>The success of these efforts and our foreign policy will require strengthening the national security workforce by recruiting and retaining diverse, high-caliber talent. We are:</OtherInformation></Objective><Objective><Name>DEIA</Name><Description>Prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility to ensure national security institutions reflect the American public they represent.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b5c92-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9.1</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Hiring, Recruitment &amp; Retention</Name><Description>Create more effective and efficient hiring, recruitment, retention, and talent
development practices, particularly in STEM fields, economics, critical languages, and regional affairs.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b607a-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9.2</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Professional Development</Name><Description>Support professional development opportunities—for both leadership and technical skills—at all levels of the workforce.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b6bb0-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9.3</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Professional Mobility</Name><Description>Open opportunities for the national security workforce to move among institutions, both within and outside government, and carry the skills they develop back to their home agencies.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b7722-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9.4</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Technology, Data &amp; Analytics</Name><Description>Equip the workforce with cutting-edge technology and better integrate data and analytic tools to support decision-making.</Description><Identifier>_8d4b7c72-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9.5</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective><Objective><Name>Human Resources</Name><Description>Prioritize human resources capabilities and personnel, who will drive and steward all of these initiatives. </Description><Identifier>_8d4b821c-4fc2-11ed-8bf8-16d62083ea00</Identifier><SequenceIndicator>4.9.6</SequenceIndicator><Stakeholder StakeholderTypeType="Organization"><Name/><Description/></Stakeholder><OtherInformation/></Objective></Goal></StrategicPlanCore><AdministrativeInformation><StartDate>2022-10-12</StartDate><EndDate/><PublicationDate>2022-10-19</PublicationDate><Source>https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Biden-Harris-Administrations-National-Security-Strategy-10.2022.pdf</Source><Submitter><GivenName>Owen</GivenName><Surname>Ambur</Surname><PhoneNumber/><EmailAddress>Owen.Ambur@verizon.net</EmailAddress></Submitter></AdministrativeInformation></PerformancePlanOrReport>